Omran Center for Strategic Studies with Support from SPI organized a side event at the 8th Brussels Conference on Supporting the Syrian people. The panel was entitled: "Harnessing Economic Autonomy for Peace: Reimagining Syria’s Path Forward." Our insightful panelists provided deep dives into economic strategies for peace in Syria.

Dr. Rim Tourkmani outlined Syria's current economic landscape, emphasizing the importance of strengthening local economies to contribute to peace efforts.

Mr. Samir Aita discussed granting regions economic autonomy, focusing on empowering SMEs and strengthening the middle class to impact the peace process positively.

Dr. Sinan Hatahet explored specific economic initiatives that support SMEs and the middle class, highlighting their significance in fostering political negotiations and sustainable peace.

The audience, comprising EU experts and governments' representatives,, development experts, and Syrian civil society leaders, engaged actively and offered diverse perspectives and solutions.

Thank you to everyone who joined and contributed to the enriching dialogue! Your participation is instrumental in driving our efforts forward.

#BrusselsConference

Executive Summary

• Education, along with its continuity, serves as a cornerstone of "early recovery". It plays a decisive role in maintaining the intellectual and cognitive development of the post-war generation. The significance of education is underscored by its unique role in fostering a high level of psychological, social, and economic stability for both the individual and the wider community.
• Understanding the obstacles and gaps that impede the progress of the educational process in northwestern Syria is essential. It is crucial to determine the depth, causes, and factors contributing to these challenges. Gaining this understanding will provide a concrete foundation for future policies. For effective resolution, we must grasp both the visible and hidden dynamics of the educational process.
• This understanding becomes increasingly vital, especially in the face of declining educationquality and the deterioration of its quantitative and qualitative adequacy. This decline is evidenced by increasing dropout rates, school truancy , and student failures. For instance, 18% of school-age children are not enrolled in any form of education, and more than three-quarters of students between the ages of 12 and 17 have left school.
• The diversity of players in the education sector and their differing policies resulted in a lack of clear governance. Instead of a single central authority, numerous centers of differing competencies, executive plans, roles, and authorities emerged. This scenario has led to the existence of a variety of educational certificates, in addition to the absence of a structured decision-making mechanism within the education system; and lack of clarity in roles and responsibilities which amplifies ambiguity within the educational process. This lack of transparency has consequently eroded the trust of students, parents, teachers, and administrators.
• The funding provided to support higher levels of education is on the decline, while the aid given to elementary educational stages remains insufficient (The Humanitarian Response Plan for Syria has only received 25% of its required funding). Furthermore, the lack of a single coordinating body to regulate the work among different organizations led to a duplication of efforts, resulting in additional wasted resources and efforts. Often, there's a noticeable absence of coordination among these entities.
• The nature of the relationship between the financial backers and the organizations often resulted in a lack of attention to the involvement of local entities in evaluation and implementation processes. A noteworthy observation in this context is the extensive distribution of protection and psychological support programs. Those far outnumber the programs and activities specifically aimed at supporting education.
• Both areas are suffering from a shortage of qualified educators and a lack of scientific expertise among teachers. Moreover, there is a noticeable decline in the overall number of teachers living in the camps. This shortage is primarily attributed to the permanent relocation of teachers due to displacement; or their extended absence from the majority of school hours as a result of living conditions. Adding to the complexity, the prevailing security chaos instills fear among teachers towards military entities and influential figures. Additionally, there is a distinct shortage of female teachers in the studied area, further exacerbating the issue.
• The area of study is suffering from low academic performance among students, particularly in fundamental subjects. This situation necessitates the implementation of enrichment programs within the curriculum to bolster student understanding, broaden their perspectives, and facilitate their integration with the modern world. This can be achieved through the incorporation of technology in the education process.
• Furthermore, an emphasis on promoting shared living values in the curriculum is crucial. Despite peace among individuals being largely contingent on political and societal agreements, the lack of curriculum content, or activities addressing communal living and societal interaction could potentially undermine the principles of citizenship. This could be especially detrimental during periods of societal conflict and in their aftermath.
• Indicators associated with infrastructure gaps in schools include factors such as the lack of presence and insufficiency of educational facilities, their geographic distribution, capacity, safety within the school environment, availability of playgrounds and physical activity areas, as well as the availability of necessary healthcare services. When it comes to teachers, indicators include their numerical adequacy, gender balance, financial compensation, educational qualifications, expertise, and the level of security they experience. Curriculum and educational resource-related indicators cover aspects such as curriculum modifications and structural aspects; indicators of educational poverty; investment in education; religious influences on the curriculum; as well as the availability of textbooks and supplementary educational resources. Student-related indicators include the importance of access to education, school dropout rates, financial capabilities of students, privatization of education, the impact of war, psychological pressures, and social factors affecting students.
• The study proposes several recommendations the educational gaps. These include the importance of launching advocacy campaigns to accurately assess needs and advocating for humanitarian aid to be allowed through crossborder mechanisms rather than being restricted to crossline deliveries. It also emphasizes the need to strengthen local involvement in overseeing the educational process and enhance coordination between different stakeholders. The study suggests going beyond relying solely on organizational estimates by establishing an official mechanism for needs assessment. Additionally, it recommends bolstering Syrian funding channels for education and working towards a self-sustaining Syrian financing cycle. Lastly, it highlights the necessity of supporting the creation of a dedicated mechanism to assess school needs, ensure proper technical specifications, and promote equitable distribution.

To Read Full Study: https://2u.pw/ntiRzdT

Executive Summary

• The announcement of the establishment of the National Union of Syrian Students took place in April 1963. However, the Union remained without an official status and was not legally recognized until 1966 when Decree No. 130 was issued. The decision to establish the Union was made by the Regional Leadership of the Ba'ath Party, designating it as the sole "legitimate representative" of the student sector both within and outside Syria. Yet, Decree 23 of 1970 limited the Union's activities to university students, while the "Union of Revolutionary Youth" catered to students below the university level. Since then, the connection of the Union (legally, functionally, and structurally) with the central leadership of the Ba'ath Party became quite evident. Despite this, the party law issued in 2011 allowed the establishment of political parties and party activities in Syria. This was later followed by a constitutional amendment in 2012 that abolished the provision stating that the Ba'ath Party is the leader of the state and society, However, the union has remained inextricably linked to the Baath Party.
• Three laws were issued to regulate universities in Syria. The first was in 1958, which completely ignored any student representation within the university educational process. The second was in 1975, which introduced the concept of the National Union of Syrian Students as one of the entities overseeing the university educational process. The latest was the 2006 law, which limited student representation to those appointed by the Union in faculty councils and university scientific affairs councils. This law underwent several amendments adding new categories to scholarship recipients, accommodating individuals who joined the army after 2011.
• Student organizations at all levels, starting from the "Ba'ath Vanguards", passing through the "Union of Revolutionary Youth", and ending with the National Union of Syrian Students, serve as training centers for Ba'athist cadres. Upon graduation, these cadres either move on to lead unions or assume other positions in the state. Through these sequential institutions, students are conditioned on one hand, and their loyalty to the ruling authority is ascertained on the other. Consequently, the idea of elections within the Union is more about affirming the loyalty chain rather than being a democratic process where students choose their representatives, who are then tasked with advocating for student rights in educational and ministerial councils.
• The universities vary in the composition of their union branches, which can be divided into three types: branches where the sectarian dimension is evident within the union's structure, such as the Tishreen and Baath branches; branches where the composition is related to cities and the distribution of power, such as Aleppo and Damascus; and branches where the union leadership does not have significant influence within the overall union, and the members are often from the same city, such as the Deir ez-Zor and Daraa branches. This diversity has impacted the roles of the union and its interactions in the post-2011 era.
• Among the roles and tasks of the union, one notes its functional role, as manifested through its interaction with the regime's foreign policies and its support for internal decisions at both the university and state levels. There is also its military role, evident through its activities with the Baath Brigades in 2012, arming supportive students and overseeing their inspection of other students. In addition, there is its political role, either in promoting the regime's narrative or in developing strategies to counteract sanctions imposed upon it. Despite these sanctions, the union has remained an active participant in international conferences, representing the Assad regime. Finally, the union has a social role, which involves supporting the regime socially beyond the university setting, as exemplified by the establishment of institutions focused on relief efforts, such as the "Wounded Homeland" project.

Introduction

Understanding the social and political structures that the Assad regime controls is a fundamental step towards understanding the dynamics of its governance and its executive vision for political and social life. The levels of analysis range from an internal examination of social structures to analyzing their relationship with the ruling regime, and to what extent each influences the other in decision-making processes or changing societal ideas, all the way to altering its composition and beliefs. From this perspective, we study the dynamics and philosophy of the “National Union of Syrian Students” as the sole organizational framework for students on one hand, and as a host for the potential carriers of developmental and progressive ideas on the other hand, while attempting to understand how it monopolizes student work and uses it to serve the regime's narrative.

Research issues related to the Union have occupied varying spaces in the field of studies. Some have tried to quickly touch on some of these issues such as the relationship between the Union and the Ba'ath Party, as done by Adnan Amin in his research on governance of education in the Arab world. He pointed out the Ba'ath's control over the entire educational process, whether at the level of the Teachers' Union, which was transformed from an independent entity into a popular organization, including all civil service employees in the ministries of education, or at the level of forcibly affiliating students to the Union, while prohibiting any political activity in universities outside the Union framework. Amin, however, did not touch on the legal frameworks, legislations, and decrees that led to Ba'ath's control over trade union work, especially student work.^([1])

Meanwhile, other studies focused directly on presenting a model of co-opting student work through its militarization by forming “Ba'ath Brigades” from students in Syrian universities to be ancillary forces for the regime's army, or even to monitor and chase activists outside the university framework, or through unofficially arming supporting students to control universities and their affiliated dormitories to prevent any revolutionary activity within them. This was clarified by Ali Jasim in his research paper “Under the State: The Rise of Ba'ath Brigades at Aleppo University after 2011” ^([2]), and it was also demonstrated by testimonies of some students in favor of a research paper issued by the International Foundation for Education at the University of California, titled “Syrian University Students and Professors in Turkey”. These testimonies focused on cases of arming students and their role in arresting and torturing their peers.

Moreover, Rahaf Dagali's study in her paper issued by the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, titled “Departure of Secularism: Seizing the Borders and Expanding the Syrian State in the Religious Field Since 2011”, shed light on an important aspect in the dynamics of linking civil institutions in Ba'ath policies. It looked at the model of the twinning of one of the organizations affiliated with the Ba'ath and the Ministry of Religious Endowments, through the launch of the Religious Youth Team associated with the Ministry of Religious Endowments and its cadres from the National Union of Syrian Students, to establish religious awareness projects and dialogue sessions.^([3])

In light of that, this study identifies its qualitative scope by focusing entirely on understanding the complete picture of the Union and its roles and activities, and clarifying the impact of the legal engineering that regulates its work on enhancing the regime's tools in absolute control of civil institutions on one hand and mobilizing emerging generations and using them as a soft tool to serve the regime's policies and maintain its narratives on the other. The study will rely on the historical method to understand the Union's historical dynamics, and to show the reciprocal relationship between these dynamics and the regulating laws. It will also rely on the analytical method and its tools in monitoring its activities and purposes that transcend organizational rules, especially after 2011, let alone drawing the structural frameworks that regulate the work of this civil organization.

Therefore, drawing the legal frameworks and organizational structure would be a unique entry point in understanding the dynamics of the regime in monopolizing the civil space and exploiting it in “protecting” its general narrative, whether through reading the regime's ability to adapt these frameworks with the developments of the public scene, or through tracking the change in the Union's roles within the needs of the regime and its challenges. That will also somewhat contribute to shaping valid recommendations for this exploitation and investing it for the benefit of creating independent student spaces.

Historical Brief: Regulation and Control of Union and Civil Work

In the early 20th century, union work in Syria emerged as an upgrade of the professional and craft associations compared to the 19th century. This was driven by the necessity to protect occupations from unjust practices and prejudiced laws issued by authorities, and the need for internal leadership, such as the concept of “Sheikh al-Kaar”^([4]) to regulate work and arbitrate disputes among members of the same profession. Union work began to shine through the Ottoman state's decision in 1909, which its influence continued during the French “mandate” era later until 1935, due to the absence of legislation related to civil work in this era, ^([5]) which was naturally reflected in the establishment of several unions during this period, such as the Bar Association, ^([6]) and the labor movement.^([7])

In the post-independence era, despite the continued absence of updated legal frameworks, union and student gatherings developed tools for local confrontation. While they adopted the narrative of demanding independence and rejecting division during the mandate era, they began demanding the preservation of rights and resisting attempts to suppress freedoms by the military and some political powers during the independence era. This was evident in the first direct clash between the student movement and the military led by Sami Hanawi. This dynamic was a contributing factor in the adoption of the 1950 constitution, which expanded the scope of civil and union work in Syria. This is reflected in Article 17, which gave citizens the right to form associations and practice union work.^([8])

During the unity phase between Syria and Egypt, the authorities attempted to control the funding sources of organizations and unions, frame their work, and reduce their freedom spaces to “regulate the rhetoric directed against the state in both countries.” As a result, Law No. 93 of 1958 was issued, ^([9]) which is considered the first law to legitimize the state's full authority over civil work and its funding sources. This law remained a basis for laws related to organizing the scope of civil work and linking it to the state until the present time. The law added three new tools for government dominance over civil work:

●    Deprived people who had political trials of their social rights

●    Gave the authority the right to appoint one or more members in the administration of the association or organization

●    Allowed the relevant ministry to suspend the work of the organization or association if it saw no need for its existence.

These loopholes allow the state to undermine civil work initially so that it does not become an obstacle to its decisions and paves the way for civil work to become a tool to frame, control, and market the ruling party's narrative within society.

Legal Frameworks Regulating Student Work During the Ba'ath Era: Control and Exploitation

Following the Baath takeover in 1963, the party's military committee sought to curtail civil activism in society. This marked the beginning of subsequent legislation. The progression of these laws began by suppressing civil activism, then shaping and directing it to benefit the ruling authority, and eventually identifying funding avenues for it. Moreover, these laws were adapted in response to domestic shifts, particularly post-2011.

The Ba'ath as an Administrative and Organizational Controller of the Student Union

Following the Ba'ath takeover in 1963, there was a comprehensive clampdown on all forms of civil, social, and labor activism. As per Article 9 of Legislative Decree No. 68, the National Council for the Leadership of the Revolution was granted oversight of all civil organizations in the nation. This move was instrumental in channeling civil society to align with the interests of the governing power. A month after the Ba'ath coup, the "National Union of Syrian Students" was proclaimed. However, this was primarily a public announcement, with no concrete legislation outlining its functions, operational areas, or organizational guidelines.

This was done to regulate and control student activism, fearing a repeat of the student movements that opposed the authority in the 1930s and 1940s, which led at the time to changes in decisions due to popular and student pressure. The union remained unofficial and unregulated until 1966 when President Nureddin al-Atassi issued Legislative Decree No. 130, establishing the National Union of Syrian Students, which included students from all levels: primary, preparatory, secondary, and university students. ^([10])

This decree marked the first direct integration of a segment of civil activism in Syria under the banner of the Ba'ath Party. It was followed by other segments such as the Teachers' Union, as part of the Assad regime's strategy to monopolize absolute power and transform civil activism into a tool under its control. The decision to establish the Union was made by the party's central leadership, declaring it the sole legitimate representative of the student sector inside and outside Syria. However, the Union's scope of work was later limited to university students after the issuance of Legislative Decree No. 23 in 1970, establishing the Revolutionary Youth Union to oversee students below the university level.^([11])

In the early 1970s, the Ba'ath Party solidified its absolute control over the state and society through Article 8 of the 1973 Constitution, which declared that “the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party is the leading party in society and the state and leads a progressive national front working to unify the energies of the people and put them in the service of the goals of the Arab nation.” Later, in the 10th Congress of the Union in 1990, it was claimed that Hafez al-Assad's meeting with students in 1950 was the founding congress of the Union^([12]),  despite the absence of any mention of this conference or meeting in historical references or personal memoirs of politicians who were contemporaries of that period, such as Akram al-Hawrani and Sami al-Jundi, who extensively documented student activism in their personal memoirs. However, this narrative was presented by the Assad regime as part of the overall image that portrays Hafez al-Assad as the “founder of modern Syria with all its social, political, and military details.”

Thus, the Ba'ath Party attributed the beginnings of student activism to Hafez al-Assad's conference, neglecting the student movements in the pre-independence period and pre-coup period.

Later, in two separate periods, the Assad regime issued two laws to regulate universities: Law No. 1/1975 and Law No. 6/2006. These laws were extensions of Law No. 184, which regulated universities during the unity period in 1958. Although Law 1958 was more detailed, it completely neglected any presence of students as entities within the university or student representation at the level of the Ministry of Higher Education's committees or executive regulations. In other words, Law 1958 neutralized any recognition of student associations demanding student rights or presenting their demands to the authorities. This was contrary to what the Assad regime did, as it initially harnessed student activism in all its forms within one body, and then subjugated this body to the constitutional and legal dominance of the Ba'ath Party.

The purpose of both laws was to regulate the relationship between the three entities responsible for the university educational process: the Ministry of Higher Education, the Teachers' Union, and the National Union of Syrian Students. Law No. 6/2006^([13]) abolished the application of Law No. 1/1975^([14]) and included procedural details related to universities and their affiliated institutes. The difference between the two laws lies in the role of the Union. Law 2006 restricted student representation to students appointed by the Union in the college councils and scientific affairs councils at the university. On the other hand, Law 1975 did not require that the students in those councils be members of the Union, although it is unlikely that students other than Union members would represent the students. However, the monopoly of student representation was regulated within the Law on the Organization of Universities in 2006, and subsequent appendices and amendments were added to Law No. 6. However, they did not alter the essence of the relationship between the three entities or curtail the powers of the Union. On the contrary, the Union gained seats in all councils and bodies associated with the ministry, including those related to the general budget,^([15]) In addition, decisions were issued regarding the Union's sources of funding.

Union Funding: Fluid Dynamic

The internal regulations of the union state that its main sources of funding are primarily membership fees and the percentage deducted from registration fees in government and private universities and institutes, whether through regular ^([16]) or parallel education. It also includes income from investment allowances and facility rentals owned by the union. Although the Law on the Organization of Universities did not specify the official sources of funding for the Union's work and activities, there was generally liquidity in section (b) of Article 196 of the executive regulations of the Law on the Organization of Universities in 2006. It stipulated the allocation of approximately 40% “of investment allowances in restaurants, forums, and cafeterias” that the Minister of Education has the right to allocate to beneficiary entities in coordination with the Minister of Finance. ^([17])

Later, the Higher Education Council issued a decision in June 2011 stating that 20% of these allowances should be allocated for the Union's funding. Meanwhile, the Teachers' Union did not exceed 15%, and 5% went to the Health and Social Solidarity Fund at the university.^([18])

However, the legal framework for these decisions existed 43 years ago when the Ba'ath regime issued Legislative Decree No. 16 in 1968, granting the Minister of Higher Education the authority to delegate the management of university cafeterias and clubs to the Union. Another official source of funding for the Union comes from the revenues of private universities. Nine years after the decree regulating private educational institutions for the post-university stage ^([19]), the Assad regime issued Legislative Decree No. 87 in 2010, which regulates the relationship between private universities and the Union. It monopolizes the Union's control over any student or social activism within these universities and allocates 0.5% of the total revenues of private universities to the National Union of Syrian Students. Thus, the Union has two official sources of funding, in addition to unofficial sources from businessmen or security figures, either as rewards or allowances for organizing events and conferences that serve their interests.

Changes to University Regulation Laws after 2011

Even though the last law regulating universities was in 2006, amendments to some provisions of its executive regulations began after 2011, in line with the developments in the Syrian scene. Regarding Article 116 of the executive regulations, which pertains to scholarships and seats offered in higher educational institutions ^([20]), it has witnessed various amendments to its original text, coinciding with three variables:

1.     Widening of confrontations with cities outside the regime's control.

2.     Increase in the number of casualties among its ranks.

3.     Rise in the percentage of foreign fighters in its auxiliary forces, whether in battles or security operations.

Thus, it was modified as follows:

Thus, with the beginnings of the Syrian revolution, the Assad regime's government added new categories of beneficiaries to the scholarship recipients. These included the children of those killed in the Assad forces during the early years of the revolution. The provision of scholarships in universities was directly used as a tool to appease the factions affiliated with the army during the post-2011 years. The concept of university scholarships extended beyond those serving in mandatory military service or volunteering in the army to attract militias that do not belong to the army's structure and the armed forces, enticing them to participate in the regime's battles. This could potentially open the door to including injured individuals from non-Syrian militias in these university scholarships as well.

Structure: Regulation and Formation of Identities

Despite the establishment of the National Union of Syrian Students, its legal, functional, and structural affiliation with the central leadership of the Ba'ath Party has been evident. This is despite the issuance of the Parties Law in 2011, which allows for the establishment of parties and party activities in Syria. ^([21]) The dominance of the Ba'ath Party over the state, including governmental institutions and civil society, including the Union and other unions and associations, continued even after the constitutional amendment in 2012 that abolished the provision stating that the Ba'ath Party is the leader of the state and society.

The central leadership of the Ba'ath Party issues the eligibility criteria for candidacy in the Central Council of the Union, as well as the decision to form its executive office (Appendix 1, noting that all current members of the executive office are Ba'ath Party members, except for one member from the Syrian Communist Party, who has the least interaction and appearance on the Union's platforms). Moreover, it is required that candidates for committees and student units be Ba'ath Party members and have their membership confirmed (Appendix 2).

The executive office was restructured in 2020, and the presidency of the Union was changed after stagnation in the position for more than 17 years, during which Ammar Saati remained at the head of the Union without any changes, except for periodic replacements of some names in the executive office. It is worth noting the repetition of names between the last two executive councils. Ammar Saati was promoted to become a member of the central leadership of the Ba'ath Party and the head of the Central Youth Office in the party, ^([22]) while Daren Suleiman replaced him as the president of the Union. Daren Suleiman was previously a member of the executive office of the National Union of Syrian Students and the head of the Private Education and Informatics offices.

It is noteworthy that the age requirement is absent from the candidacy conditions for all levels of the Union's bodies, despite the existence of an article stating that senior members have the right to retain their membership for one term after graduation. However, previous members of the executive office continued to hold their positions for years without being enrolled in universities.

The structure of the National Union of Syrian Students is composed of a central council that includes representatives of the Union branches, and an executive office that is elected every five years (Figure 1).

Figure (1): Structure of the National Union of Syrian Students

The internal branches of the Union branch out into student bodies for each college, which are elected every two years, and include student committees for each academic year, as well as a student committee for postgraduate studies. However, they do not have the right to vote in the body's meetings (Figure 2).

Figure (2): Structure of student bodies in colleges

Elections are held at the level of the Union's internal and external branches to select the representatives of these branches at the general conference, based on varying proportions of seats for each branch, as determined by the executive office. The general conference then generates the Union's central council, which in turn selects the executive office after the approval of the Central Committee in the Ba'ath Party on the chosen names (Figure 3).

Although numerous students participate in elections across colleges, branches, and the entire Union, over the last two terms, the executive office's composition has seen less than a 50% change. Many of those not currently in the executive office, like Bashar Mutlaq, Mohammed Ajil, and Omar al-Aroub, have been given different responsibilities. ^([23])

Figure (3): Elections in the National Union of Syrian Students

The Assad regime does not effectively possess any institutes on the ground for qualifying or training young leaders with the aim of exporting them to the upper echelons of the state in the future. Therefore, student organizations at all levels, (starting from the “Ba'ath Vanguards” passing through the “Union of Revolutionary Youth” and ending with the National Union of Syrian Students) represent preparation centers for the Ba'ath cadres, who move after finishing their studies either to lead syndicates or to other positions in the state.

Through these successive institutions, students are groomed on one hand and their loyalty to the ruling authority is ensured on the other, and thus, the idea of elections in the union is more to affirm the chain of loyalty than to be a democratic process among students to choose their representatives entrusted with advocating students' rights in the educational and ministerial councils.

Despite the rigid ring that the regime formed after framing civil society within the policy of the single party; the Syrian revolution and its interactions managed to break this ring in several places, through the defection of individuals who went through the stages of loyalty testing established by the father Assad and sided with the ranks of the revolutionaries.

Universities vary in terms of the composition of branches of the National Union of Syrian Students in them, as branches are primarily divided into 3 types:

1.     Branches like Tishreen and Al-Ba'ath display a clear sectarian influence in the Union's makeup.

2.     In branches like Aleppo and Damascus, the composition reflects the cities and the balance of power.

3.     In branches such as Deir Ezzor and Daraa, the Union's leadership holds minimal influence, and members often hail from the same city.

This variation was clearly reflected in the roles of the Union in the post-2011 phase, in terms of its interaction with the early events, then later its direct role as the central Union leadership or its branches in the governorate, within the context and behavior of the Assad regime in suppressing the revolution, through its official institutions and the auxiliary forces of its army that were established later.

Functional Roles in Service of the Regime

The Ba'ath party was not unaware of the role of civil unrest against military attempts to impose their dominance on the civilian state of the country. Since it took power, civil society has been transformed into a dormant state, starting with the prohibition of societal activities, whether they are service, rights, or sports-related, then framing its institutions within the party's framework, one by one. It managed to make all civil work one of its tools to control society, first, and convey its ideas to successive generations domestically and to foreign countries second.

The Union's roles were not different from the roles of other unions and federations in Syria, as they aligned with Assad's narrative of total societal control. Starting with interacting with the regime's foreign stances regarding regional changes, ending with endorsing its internal decisions on the university and state levels, The National Union of Syrian Students, along with other student-related institutions, was responsible for rallying students in marches that reflect the regime's stance on events such as the invasion of Iraq, the July war in Lebanon, and even its support for Hezbollah under the guise of resistance. This is part of the general picture that the senior Assad had consistently painted; a state that issues decisions and positions that are endorsed by a society that always moves in its favor. The junior Assad continued in this approach, albeit less professionally, due to the change in tools used by those trying to reactivate student civil unrest or otherwise.

After the Syrian regime issued the university regulation law in 2006, one of the law's details was that “the government does not guarantee employment for engineering graduates as was the case before 2006”. This led some students to create sit-ins to protest the decisions, which later expanded to include political demands under the name “Shams Gathering”. This constituted the first semi-organized student movement since Bashar al-Assad took power ^([24]). However, the tightly controlled university environment by the triad of teaching and administrative staff and the student union hindered the continuity of this movement, ending it, arresting most participating students and youth. During this period, the roles of the student union were limited to monitoring any movements inside the universities or its associated student housing, with the aim to thwart any movement before it begins. Externally, members of the Union's foreign branches were tasked with following up on the students' news in the resident country, tracking the news of the Syrian community there, maintaining positive relationships with the local student movements in these countries, and establishing ongoing partnerships and events with them.

Since March 2011, universities have significantly interacted with the developments of the popular movement outside their walls. This resulted in an application of the functional and legal structure established after the Ba'ath coup, represented by the local confrontation within the same society's layers or sectors. The direct clash began between students sympathizing with the invaded cities, and the National Union of Syrian Students aiming to neutralize tertiary educational institutions from the popular movement spreading in the country. ^([25])

The Union's role began to crystallize on several levels: military, political, and social, within the regime's plan to limit demonstrations away from the governmental, educational, or service buildings. This was later added to the union's narrative by writing: “The Union played a pivotal role in resisting attempts to use university facilities as a means to legitimize the acts of rioting and terrorism that escalated in some Syrian cities” into the introduction of the Union's internal system, which was amended in 2021. ^([26])

Repressive Roles and Military Tasks: The Union of Aleppo Students as a Model

The disparity in the reactions of the branches of the National Union of Syrian Students towards the popular movement in the universities was clear, and the military role emerged as one of the roles consistent with the military and security solution of the Ba'ath regime. This was particularly prominent in the University of Aleppo, as most of the Union was composed of the children of Idlib and the countryside of Aleppo, making it difficult for them to confront the movement violently right away. This forced the security branches in the city to gradually escalate violence, by arming the Union students with melee weapons (Sticks - Crowbars - Batons) and giving them the authority to withdraw the ID of students participating in the university demonstrations for later security pursuit. The Union's decision to refrain from excessive violence was in line with the will of the party's branch in the university, as the branch secretary, Abdul Aziz Al-Hassan, refused the security solution and violence in the university, and did not allow the security branches to raid the university extensively, leading to a change in the leadership of the party branch, and Abdul Qadir Al-Hariri taking over, who adopted the security will in excessive violence against any student movement opposing the authority at the University of Aleppo, ^([27])  in addition to his decision to dismiss students who participated in the university demonstrations. ^([28])

The Union's branch at the University of Aleppo could not stop the student movement at the university, which prompted the regime to search for more organized, effective, and sustainable tools. This led to the formation of the Ba'ath Brigades in 2012 from university students, with their roles lying in two axes:

●    Security axis to control the universities with all forms of violence ^([29]), and a

●    Military axis by participating as auxiliary forces alongside the army in siege operations or battles.

However, later, the Ba'ath Brigades were no longer limited to university students but included party members of different ages. With the escalating role of the Union within the Ba'ath Brigades, sanctions were imposed on Amar Sa'ati, ^([30]) who was responsible for the Ba'ath Brigades by the US, ^([31]) as part of punishing the leaders of military factions participating in battles and committing massacres. ^([32])

As for the less organized military roles, arming the students of the National Union of Syrian Students was present in other branches like the University of Damascus, Al-Baath University, and Tishreen University, but on an individual level and not collectively. The students who were armed were chosen based on loyalties that depend on geographical or sectarian affiliation, or cumulative trust that depends on the extent of services provided to the security branches. This arming aimed to end any movement in the universities by exaggerating the reaction towards participating students to deter their peers from repeating the movement, ^([33]) in addition to that, several branches of the Union used places in university housing units, like the University of Aleppo, for arresting and torturing demonstrating students captured by them, before being transferred to the security branches like Damascus and Tishreen universities, where several students were killed under torture after their arrest by the Union members in their universities and their delivery to the security branches.^([34])

On a smaller scale of military action, the Union was responsible for inspecting students at the entrances to universities and university housing, and it was the one issuing updates and entrance conditions to universities, coinciding with developments in the surrounding scene at the university. ^([35])

This direct arming aimed to stop any movement in Syrian universities without waiting for security or military intervention to control the universities, and the Union members were given all the powers to achieve that, ^([36]) along with pursuing activists in the universities with the aim of arresting them. The matter even extended to pursuing professors within universities and arresting them if they have any roles or activities opposing the regime, as happened with Mohammed al-Ahmad, a professor in the French Language Department at Tishreen University.^([37])

The Union's military work continued in an organized manner within the Ba'ath Brigades until the present time; centers for the brigades were established in some universities like Aleppo, in addition to centers in all cities, and its social activities are mostly shared with the National Union of Syrian Students, as part of the regime's government plan to export figures from the Ba'ath Brigades as societal and youth faces in the next phase.^([38])

Political Marketing of the Regime's Narrative

The National Union of Syrian Students has long served as the primary training hub, grooming individuals for key roles within the Assad regime post their university graduation. This includes positions such as ministers, ambassadors, city party branch leaders, and members of the People's Council. The Union's tradition of molding its members (especially those in the executive office or as Union heads) to become prominent figures in politics and society wasn't a recent strategy introduced by Bashar al-Assad. Instead, it's been a foundational goal since the Union's inception, underscoring its political influence over the past four decades. Notably, Union executive members from the eighties and nineties, like Haitham Al-Duaihi, Wafaa Sunain, Faisal Al-Mikdad, and Hamid Hassan, have maintained significant roles within the state, even post the revolution's onset.^([39])

The National Union of Syrian Students was one of the first arms of the Assad regime to interact with the internal developments in Syria, through its internal and external activities. As the regime launched its series of “national dialogues,” the Union was one of the organizations arranging the National Dialogue Conference in July 2011, which was directly funded by the Syria Trust for Development, owned by Asma al-Assad. ^([40])

This was followed by a series of dialogues in Syrian universities, aimed at portraying the popular movement as part of a conspiracy against Syria, and that those who participate in it will be part of the war on Syria, and that the only place for change is to participate in these dialogues spread across cities under the supervision and management of the Union.^([41]) The Union's interaction with changes continued,^([42]) whether at the level of events, or even reactions to demands for constitutional and governmental reform in Syria, in line with the security and military narrative of the Assad regime that it is facing terrorist groups whose goal is to undermine the stability and unity of the country.^([43])

The dialogue sessions supervised by the Union continued until the date of preparing this study, within three main axes:

1.     Service discussions in Syria as a whole, in terms of organizing universities and even the “formal” activities or campaigns in state institutions, such as combating corruption, in addition to interacting with local administration elections. ^([44])

2.     The regime's narrative and producing tools to market it internally and externally. ^([45])

3.     Regarding international changes, whether at the level of the behavior of states towards the Syrian regime, from sanctions or positions, or even ongoing events such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine. ^([46])

The Union is now attempting to circumvent the sanctions imposed on the regime. Most western sanctions have been imposed on the regime's ministers, security and military leaders, or individuals involved in economic networks related to it, or even on former members of the Union, like Ammar Saati, who was later promoted. However, sanctions have not been imposed on other Union members despite their involvement in crimes against students, such as Omar Aroub.^([47])

Despite the sanctions imposed on it, the Union continues to participate in international conferences, like the Education Summit,^([48]) and the International Student Exchange Conference,^([49]) Despite the sanctions imposed on the Assad regime.

Social Roles Consistent with the Dynamics of the Regime

The role of the National Union of Syrian Students in supporting the Assad regime post-revolution was not limited to universities and their affiliated institutions. Instead, it also took on roles outside the university that included a social dimension.

After 2011, the regime was keen to establish several of its institutions and associations, either involved in aiding its wounded, promoting it within the community, or even providing the institutions established by regime figures with human resources. An example of this is the agreement signed by the National Union of Syrian Students with the “Wathiqat Watan” project owned by Bouthaina Shaaban, the media advisor to Bashar al-Assad. This project is concerned with documenting events in Syria based on the regime's perspective.^([50])

The Union entered into an agreement with a project aimed at involving students in the oral documentation of Syrian events. Additionally, they initiated student competitions to reinforce the regime's narrative both within the student community and the broader society.

Furthermore, as the regime faced increasing casualties and injuries from its confrontations, the Union stepped in as a supplementary institution for social support. They collaborated with the 'Jarih al-Watan' project, overseen by the Ministry of Defense. This partnership led to the formation of a joint committee, headed by Mahmoud al-Shawa, the Deputy Minister of Defense.^([51])

The Union turned to establishing subsidiary teams that are not organizationally subordinate to the Union, but the heads of these teams are members of the Union. The role of these teams was relief and social, as part of the regime's attempt to form relief nuclei capable of raising funds, or even reaching all segments of society, and monopolizing student work, even at the level of specializations through initiatives related to university branches, such as the voluntary medical staff headed by the president of the Union at the University of Aleppo.^([52])

Summary Conclusions

To grasp the intricacies of Assad's regime, it's vital to see how it seamlessly merges its robust military and security measures with subtler strategies, all designed to dominate the nation and its people. Within this context, the regime has strategically channeled student activities, adapting relevant laws in response to both domestic and international shifts. Notably, since 2011, there have been no significant disruptions or splits at the union's upper echelons. Once Union members transition out, the regime integrates them into various state roles, assigning them to internal political, administrative, or foreign diplomatic duties.

The legal frameworks governing student activities mirror the regime's intent, framing public space and harnessing it as a series of tools to sustain and establish its rule. Post-revolution, the regime seeks to placate its allied factions by legally granting them scholarships, regardless of their military service status or Syrian nationality. Concurrently, the union's influence has expanded since the Ba'ath takeover, now spanning military, religious, and societal domains, beyond its primary role.

The Union also possesses a clear administrative structure within its internal, ostensibly non-party system. Still, administratively, the Union follows the central youth office in the Ba'ath Party. Branch presidents and office members are chosen based on university significance, with selections influenced by regional, tribal, and ethnic factors. Yet, genuine democratic elections and position rotations have been conspicuously absent for over half a century since the Union's inception.

On an international level, the union is not merely a tool to control universities, their students, and related facilities. Instead, it plays a critical part in rehabilitating and cleaning up the image of the regime through students who study at universities and participate in international conferences and events, both political and social. These students also spy on their peers in those countries and promote the regime's narrative about ongoing events in the country.

In conclusion, Assad regime institutions align in their importance for controlling society and preventing any attempts for change. An essential part of dismantling these institutions is understanding them, their dynamics, tools, the spaces of their roles, and their impact. The National Union of Syrian Students is among the most crucial, and dismantling these institutions' structure is an initial step in reducing their effectiveness externally and detaching student work in Syria from the Ba'ath regime. This move is part of a vision to achieve a peaceful transition for all state institutions and civil society and apply transitional justice.

Appendix 1

Appendix 2

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^([1])  El Amine, A. (2019). Governance of Higher Education in the Arab World and the Case of Tunisia. International Higher Education, (97), 7-9.‏ https://bit.ly/3JUJfSs

^([2])  Aljasem, A. (2021). In the shadow of the state: The rise of Kata’ib al-Baath at Aleppo University after 2011. Journal of Perpetrator Research, 3(2), 87-113.‏ https://bit.ly/3FOBg7Q

^([3])  Watenpaugh, K. D., Fricke, A. L., & King, J. R. (2014). We will stop here and go no further. Syrian University Students and Scholars in Turkey. Institute of International Education.‏ https://bit.ly/3veuOlN

^([4])  The term 'Sheikh al-Kar' refers to an ancient position during the Ottoman Empire era. In every craft or trade, there was a 'Sheikh al-Kar' who ruled in disputes and was responsible for the workers in that specific profession.

^([5])  Lebanese University, Legal Informatics Center, Law of Associations, issued on August 3, 1909 https://bit.ly/3Mb1rdw

^([6])  It was established in 1921 by several national figures, the most prominent of which is Fares Khoury", the history of the Bar Association in Syria, Syria News website, January 2015 https://bit.ly/3PQHybM

^{([7]) "}Its role became clearly prominent after the establishment of the cement factory in Damascus in 1928" - Abdullah Hanna, The Labor Movement in Syria and Lebanon 1900-1945, Dar Damascus, 1973.

^([8])  Article 17: Syrians have the right to form associations and to join them, provided that their aim is not prohibited by law, Syrian Constitution of 1950 https://bit.ly/3Q8asEx

^([9]) The Syrian Arab Republic, Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, Law of Associations and Private Institutions No. /93/ of the year 1958 https://bit.ly/3HYENmM

⁽[10]⁾Contemporary Syrian History, Decree Establishing the National Union of Syrian Students, Legislative Decree No. 130 of 1966 https://bit.ly/3vdTQ4u

⁽[11]⁾Contemporary Syrian History, Decree Establishing the Revolution Youth Union, Legislative Decree No. 23 of 1970 https://bit.ly/3FOAqYA

⁽[12]⁾ Page 3 - The current internal system of the National Union of Syrian Students.

⁽[13]⁾ Syrian Parliament's official website, University Regulation Law NO. 6 of 2006 https://bit.ly/3VvqYzg

⁽[14]⁾ Syrian Parliament's official website, University Regulation Law NO. 1 of 1975 https://bit.ly/3jvuyMB

⁽[15]⁾ Syrian Ministry of Education website, Decision NO. 252 of 2015, related to the formation of the Higher Education Budget Committee https://bit.ly/3PSoXvY

⁽[16]⁾ This refers to studying in public universities through the competitions conducted by the Ministry of Higher Education.

⁽[17]⁾ Clause B - Article 196 of the Executive Regulations for the University Organization Law of 2006:

The self-resources mentioned in paragraph (A) are placed in a separate account in the Commercial Bank of Syria according to their receipt in Syrian pounds or foreign currencies. The disbursement from this account should be according to the following priority order:

1-  A- The goals related to the plans and programs for modernizing and developing higher education and promoting universities, which are determined by the Minister through a decision coordinated with the Minister of Finance. These goals should not be less than 60% of the total self-resources, and the disbursement is done by the University president through official bonds.

B- Allocating a percentage that does not exceed 40% of the investment allowances in restaurants, forums, canteens, and kiosks. The percentage is calculated annually by a decision from the Minister in agreement with the Minister of Finance, which determines the disbursement aspects and the benefiting entities.

⁽[18]⁾Higher Education Council website, Decision NO. 274 of 2011 https://bit.ly/3GgluD9

⁽[19]⁾  Syrian Parliament's official website, Legislative Decree NO. 36 of 2001 https://bit.ly/3VG5QGR

⁽[20]⁾ Article 116- It is not permissible to accept any student on a personal basis without adhering to the order of success scores and other standards set by the Higher Education Council, except as follows:

1- The children of the holders of the Hero Medal of the Syrian Arab Republic are accepted in the branch they wish to join according to the type of secondary school certificate.

2- A:  A number not exceeding five students in each college or department or specialization from the children or siblings or spouses of those who were martyred in the war or were martyred in the Palestinian armed struggle or were martyred due to their official duties. The Higher Education Council determines the cases of martyrdom due to official duties, and acceptance is through competition among them by a decision of the minister according to the order of success in the secondary certificate and according to the standards set by the Higher Education Council.

⁽[21]⁾ Syrian Parliament's official website, Legislative Decree NO. 100 of 2011 https://bit.ly/3PW2Rsq

⁽[22]⁾ The Central Youth Office in the Party is responsible for the Vanguard of the Baath, the National Union of Syrian Students, the Union of Revolutionary Youth, the General Sports Federation, and the Baath Brigades.

⁽[23]⁾ Refer to:Bashar Mutlaq: Chosen to head the special organizing committee for participants," in the affirmation of the committee to discuss the current constitution and its tasks in the Syrian National Dialogue Conference in Sochi, SANA news agency https://bit.ly/3Gls7oH.  Current member of the People's Council, National Media Agency, Names of the new Syrian People's Council members 2020 https://bit.ly/3vhJiRE

Mohammed Ojail: Current member of the People's Council, previous reference.

Omar Al-Aroub: Former member of the People's Council for the legislative term 2016-2020 https://bit.ly/3jvKU82  , head of the regime's Olympic mission to the Tokyo 2020 Olympics, current Vice President of the General Sports Federation, and Deputy Commander of the "Ba'ath Brigades".

⁽[24]⁾ Experiences from the Political Activity of Youth Before and During the Revolution", Syria Freedom website, 16/02/2016 https://bit.ly/3WFswZU

⁽[25]⁾ Storming the International University of Science and Technology https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rXzr2HtsU40

⁽[26]⁾Page 4 of the Internal Regulations of the National Union of Syrian Students.

⁽[27]⁾ From an interview conducted with researcher Ali Al-Jasem, a former member of the Aleppo branch of the National Union of Syrian Students.

⁽[28]⁾ Aleppo University dismisses students who participated in protests against the regime, Zaman Al Wasl, 15/01/2013 https://shorturl.at/awEH8

⁽[29]⁾  Unit number 20 in the university city of Aleppo was converted into a temporary detention center supervised by the Ba'ath Brigades – from the previous interview with Ali Al-Jasem.

⁽[30]⁾ Ammar Sa'ati became responsible for all student institutions within his position as head of the Central Youth Office in the Central Committee of the Ba'ath Party, in addition to the Ba'ath Brigades.

⁽[31]⁾ U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY, Treasury Sanctions Senior Syrian Government Officials,Augustus 2020  https://bit.ly/3nqHAK9

⁽[32]⁾ The current commander of the Ba'ath Brigades is Bassem Sudan, who was the vice president of the National Union of Syrian Students until 2020.

⁽[33]⁾ Storming the International University of Science and Technology, November 2011 https://bit.ly/3QaZRZv

⁽[34]⁾ Ayham Ghazoul's death under torture after his arrest by Union members at Damascus University - An investigation by Human Rights Watch, 'If the Dead Could Speak', December 2015 https://bit.ly/3B0v1fx

⁽[35]⁾ The National Union of Syrian Students tightens security measures at Tishreen University https://bit.ly/3XIMYsM

⁽[36]⁾ Security forces, along with members of the Damascus branch of the Union, stormed the Private Arab University following protests there, and students were assaulted in collaboration with Union branch members at the university https://bit.ly/3gLjREs

⁽[37]⁾ He was arrested, and the National Union issued a statement regarding him, confirming his suspension from teaching and his arrest, December 2018 https://bit.ly/3iviQBf

⁽[38]⁾The regime promotes “Al-Ba'ath Brigades” as a front for Syrian youth. What is the relationship with the Chinese Communist Party?, Syria TV, 13/10/2022 https://bit.ly/3gMZ3wD

⁽[39]⁾ Haitham Al-Duaihi: Former president of the National Union of Syrian Students from 1976 until 2000, Minister of Presidential Affairs 2000-2003, former member of the People's Council, Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee for People's Reconciliation 2014.

Wafaa Sunain: Former member of the Union's Executive Office, Director of Planning and Training in the Ministry of Education, Deputy Minister of Education 2014.

Faisal Al-Mikdad: President of the Union branch at Damascus University - Member of the Executive Office of the Student Union 1981 - current Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Hamid Hassan: Syrian Ambassador to Tehran 2006 - Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates - current member of the People's Council.

⁽[40]⁾ The previous interview with researcher Ali Jasem.

⁽[41]⁾ Dialogue sessions in Raqqa city, July 2011. https://bit.ly/3UvJNC9

⁽[42]⁾ A pro-government march in Aleppo organized by the National Union of Syrian Students and the Union of Revolutionary Youth, June 2011. https://bit.ly/3EKAo3K

⁽[43]⁾The pages of the Syrian Student Union launched a widespread campaign against those calling for the abolition of Article Eight of the Constitution, which states that the Ba'ath Party is the leading party of the state and society, July 2011 https://bit.ly/3AVskfb + https://bit.ly/3GWu77O

⁽[44]⁾ The Union launched a series of dialogues as part of the "First Neighbor" initiative, August 2022. https://bit.ly/3t0EpLO

⁽[45]⁾ A meeting for active students in dialogue sessions with Bashar al-Assad. https://bit.ly/3GVSTF0

⁽[46]⁾ A dialogue session held by the National Union titled (The conflict in Ukraine and its international and Syrian implications), April 2022. https://bit.ly/3tXPrSB

⁽[47]⁾The previous interview with researcher Ali Jasem.

⁽[48]⁾ The National Union of Syrian Students' page on Facebook https://bit.ly/3g40Ahr

⁽[49]⁾ The National Union of Syrian Students' page on Facebook https://bit.ly/3Vwv2Ql

⁽[50]⁾ 'Wathiqat Watan' Website, Who We Are? https://bit.ly/3jwK6zB

⁽[51]⁾ Signing of a cooperation agreement between 'Jarih al-Watan' Project and the National Union of Syrian Students, August 2022. https://bit.ly/3Xjg2XQ

⁽[52]⁾  The National Union of Syrian Students - Union branch at Aleppo University's Facebook page. https://shorturl.at/DLX78

Executive Summary

This report provides an overview of the key events in Syria during the month of August 2023, focusing on political, security, and economic developments. It examines the developments at different levels.

• Security and Military Sector: In Deir Ezzor, the security situation has deteriorated significantly following the disbandment of the “Deir Ezzor Military Council” and the subsequent arrest of its leaders by the Syrian Democratic Forces “SDF”. This has sparked intense conflicts between the SDF and local Arab tribes, who are calling for the creation of a genuine local government that truly represents the region's inhabitants.
• Political Sector: Civilian demonstrations escalated in the province of As-Suwayda, with people asking for political changes based on a specific Security Council Resolution /2254/ after the regime's failure to achieve popular demands for twelve years.
• Economic Sector: The Regime's efforts to alleviate the severe economic crisis by raising the salaries of workers have proven to be ineffective. Despite the increase in wages, the cost of essential goods has more than doubled, making the monthly average living cost for a family of five in Syria exceed /10.3/ million Syrian Pounds.

Frustration and Resistance: Emerging from the Regime's Policies

Bashar al-Assad has made the decision to replace the governor of Tartous, “Abdel Halim Khalil”, with the retired Brigadier General “Firas Ahmed al-Hamid”. This move is seen as an effort to quell the growing dissatisfaction among civilians due to bad living conditions in Tartous.

In August 2023, the protests against the poor economic conditions intensified with a higher number of participants in As-Suwayda province. The scope of these protests has significantly expanded, spreading to /48/ distinct areas, a substantial increase from only /3/ areas during previous demonstrations. 

Map (1): Protest points in As-Suwayda governorate during August 2023

If the protest in as-Suwayda province evolved, we might see the Regime adapting different tactics in dealing with these protests such as, using local gangs in the city to incite violence or even assassinate key figures in the protest movement, particularly if it begins to threaten the interests of the regime and its allies, including potential disruptions to drug trafficking routes (primarily Captagon).

In August, the head of the National Coalition of Syrian “SOC” received a letter from the French Foreign Minister. The letter stated France's belief in the need for political change in Syria and their goal to hold war criminals responsible. Also in August, Bader Jamous was chosen again as the president of the Syrian Negotiations Commission for a second term.

Syria's Shifting Sands: The Impact of Recent Security and Military Events on Territorial Control

During 2023, the Regime held-areas have seen a rise in IEDs attacks aimed at the regime military's and security forces, during August 2023 two IED's attacks were recorded, one in the city of al-Moadamyeh and the other attack was at al-Quneitra province, the rise in IED attacks is a clear indication of the regime's growing weakness of its security capabilities, after becoming more reliant on untrained foreign militias on one hand, and the ongoing failure in limited ISIS cells attacks in 2023 on the other hand.

In the Opposition held-areas, in southern Idlib, specifically in the northwest region of Jabal al-Zawiya, ongoing battles have been reported between the “al-Fateh al-Mubin” opposition factions and the regime forces alongside their allied militias. The conflict escalated after the opposition took control of the “Milaja” village and other strategic points. In response, Russian warplanes-initiated airstrikes to aid the regime forces in recapturing the lost territories. The clashes over three days resulted in numerous casualties, including dozens from the regime forces and 7 opposition fighters.

Map(2):Developments in battles between tribal forces and SDF in Deir Ezzor (August 31.2023)

In the SDF held-areas, in Deir Ezzor, tensions increased between the SDF and tribal forces following the arrest of the Deir Ezzor Military Council commander, “Ahmed al-Khabil”, and several other leaders of the council by the SDF. The situation worsened as the SDF implemented a security policy to manage the backlash, which triggered further violence. The aggressive stance of the SDF towards civilian demonstrators spurred other tribes, including al-Akidat clan, to join the fight, demanding redress for the grievances of the Deir Ezzor populace and the removal of Kurdistan Workers' Party “PKK” leaders from the region. This situation poses a significant challenge to the “Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria” project and its influence over the area.

Discontent and Migration on the Rise as Syria Grapples with Economic Crises

Regime Held-Areas

Bashar al-Assad approved a decree to double the salaries of public sector workers, both civilian and military. This was followed by a 50% bonus for certain groups. However, the regime also increased fuel prices and reduced subsidies on drinking water by up to 400%, leading to a surge in the cost of living, with the average family now needing over /10.3/ million Syrian pounds to get by, according to Qasioun newspaper. These measures, aimed at covering the salary increase, have resulted in a continuous devaluation of the Syrian pound and increased poverty.

On another note, the regime will have to import around two million tons of wheat to meet the country's needs, as the local season's won't exceed /800,000/ tons, far below the required three million tons. Meanwhile, to foster ties with Saudi Arabia, the regime granted licenses to two Saudi-owned companies to invest in Syria's phosphate, fertilizer, and cement sectors. However, Saudi Arabia has imposed restrictions on Syrian trucks entering its territory, causing delays at the Nasib crossing.

Moreover, there has been a significant increase in the migration of traders, especially from Aleppo and Damascus, with some transferring substantial gold reserves abroad, highlighting the deepening economic crisis.

SDF Held-Areas

The “Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria” has doubled the salaries of its civilian and military employees, setting the minimum wage at /1,040,000/ Syrian pounds and the maximum at /8,222,000/ Syrian pounds. They also increased the price of heating diesel and allocated /300/ liters per household for the upcoming winter.

In terms of early recovery projects, 90% of the “Ambara” road project, linking al-Qamishli city to the M4 international road, has been completed with a 2023 budget of around $/794,633/.

To regulate economic activities, two laws were enacted:

• One governing exchange and transfer operations, setting the minimum capital for exchange companies at $/500,000/ and for exchange offices at $/50,000/.
• And another regulating the trade and manufacture of precious metals, outlining licensing procedures and prohibiting unlicensed operations. The administration also approved a draft law comprising 66 articles to combat money laundering.

Opposition Held-Areas

In northwest Syria, the “Salvation Government” raised the prices of gasoline and domestic gas following a two-week shortage in its controlled areas. To foster investment, the “Syrian Interim Government” initiated discussions with local entities to organize an investment conference aimed at enhancing the investment environment in northern Syria. A memorandum of understanding was signed with various stakeholders to foster cooperation and prepare for the conference.

Meanwhile, the electricity crisis is escalating in rural Aleppo, with “Ak Energy” hiking electricity prices, sparking public outrage and protests in front of the company’s headquarters in Azaz. Local councils are considering new contracts with alternative energy providers to address the issue.

In terms of early recovery, projects are underway in rural Aleppo and Idlib, including housing projects and road expansions to improve infrastructure. Various organizations are working on these initiatives to facilitate better living conditions and connectivity in the region.

Summary

A new travel agency with offices in Damascus and Dubai recently announced direct flights from Damascus to European cities for the first time in over a decade. Our research reveals that the agency and its Greece-based “exclusive” partner airline are associated with drug kingpin Mahmoud Abdulilah al-Dj(1) who has been sentenced to death in Libya for drug trafficking. Al-Dj is also the exclusive agent of US-sanctioned Cham Wings in Libya, which has been accused of “[laundering] money throughout the region” and “[moving] weapons and equipment for the Syrian regime.” We’re concerned that the Greek airline, Air Mediterranean, could wittingly or unwittingly be doing the same. Air Mediterranean might havealso engaged in the unsafe aviation practice of switching a transponder off during a flight.

Recommendations

• In compliance with existing sanctions regulations, the EU, US, and other Western countries should sanction al-Dj and his affiliated persons and companies, such as his brother Abdulfattah and FreeBird Travel and Tourism.
• Due to Air Mediterranean’s connections to drug kingpin Mahmoud al-Dj and the Syrian regime, and its potentially unsafe aviation practices, the European Union (EU) should consider blocking the airline from operating in EU airports until an investigation is completed and, in accordance with EU regulations, threaten it with sanctions if it continues its affiliation with al-Dj.
• Western governments should coordinate with Emirati authorities to investigate FreeBird’s operations in Dubai.
• Western governments should coordinate with authorities in Eastern Libya to halt Air Mediterranean and Cham Wings flights to Benghazi.
• The report highlights the need for enhanced monitoring of the activities of drug kingpins and the affiliates of the Assad regime.

SECTION 1: “Hello, Europe – We Are Back”

On 5 March 2023, news began circulating about direct flights between Damascus and European countries, which has not happened in over a decade following the Syrian uprising. AFacebook post from a company called FreeBird Tourism and Travel (FreeBird) invited readers to guess which new destinations in Europe the company was about to announce.

The next day, FreeBird proclaimed in a new Facebookpost, “Hello, Europe—We are back.” In that same post, FreeBird named itself “the exclusive agent of Greek [airline] Air Mediterranean.” The post did not mention whether FreeBird is the exclusive Air Mediterranean (AirMed) agent in Syria alone or the exclusive agent for Air Mediterranean overall.

The response was generally shocked but positive, with over 150 comments on the post. A few people asked why someone in Europe would call a Syrian phone number to book a flight from Europe, but for the most part people seemed excited.

On 9 March, FreeBirdannounced that the first plane from Athens to Damascus had landed.

The “Contact Us” page on FreeBird’s website lists two branch offices, one in Athens and another in Dubai. While the physical office in Dubai is operational, our research showed no evidence of a FreeBird branch in Athens.

Photos (1&2): The Dubai branch of FreeBird Tourism and Travel

SECTION 2: FreeBird Travel’s Owner and His Link to Narcotics: Does He Also Ultimately Own Air Mediterranean?

2.1 FreeBird Travel and Tourism

According to itsFacebook page, FreeBird Travel and Tourism is a Syrian company based in the Free Zone in Damascus with one branchin Dubai.(2) It claims to be a Licensed General Sales Agent for AirMed, described as a Greek carrier. Because of strict business secrecy laws in the Free Zone of Damascus, we could not access the incorporation documents.

Photo (3): FreeBird Travel and Tourism Logo.

Source: Facebook Page “FreeBird Travel Agency Int.” profile picture

FreeBird maintains three Facebook pages:

• FreeBird Travel Agency Int.
• Freebird Dubai
• Freebird (FreeBird - Damascus) [the part in parentheses has been added since we began this report, as well as the address for a Damascus office]

The company’s booking website suggests that FreeBird’s work is limited solely to cooperation with AirMed. Flights are routed from Damascus to Athens and then on to 11 European cities, at least according to the Facebook page (from a graphic in one post). But the booking site lists only three European destinations from Damascus—Düsseldorf, Stockholm, and Athens itself—plus what appears to be an upcoming addition of a flight between Athens and Erbil, Iraq (site accessed 24 August 2023)⁽³⁾⁽⁴⁾

Our open-source research revealed that FreeBird is owned by Mahmoud Abdulilah al-Dj. His Facebook work page list includes FreeBird, AirMed, and Cham Wings, a Syrian air carrier currently underUS sanctions andsanctioned by the EU from December 2021 to 18 July 2022.

The US sanctions on Cham Wings were imposed because the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control claimed that Cham Wings continues to have ties to the country’s already sanctioned national carrier, Syrian Air (RB, Damascus), as well as the Syrian government at large. Cham Wings was further accused by the US Treasury of “[laundering] money throughout the region” and “[moving] weapons and equipment for the Syrian regime.”

EU sanctions on Cham Wings were lifted on 18 July 2022. They had initially been imposed in December 2021 because the EU had accused Cham Wings “of flying people to Belarus so they could then illegally cross the EU’s external borders in what flared up into a migration and humanitarian crisis.”

FreeBird is part of a commercial group called “ALDJ GROUP,” which is owned by Mahmoud Abdulilah al-Dj (Chairman of the Board of Directors). According to hisFacebook page, he has been the General Manager of FreeBird in Damascus, Dubai, and Athens since 2017, although we found no public evidence of the company’s activity in Syria before 2023.

But there may be more of a connection between al-Dj, FreeBird, and AirMed than a simple booking arrangement.

2.2 ALDJ Group

FreeBird commenced its activities in Syria in conjunction with the start of AirMed’s flights between Athens and Damascus on 8 March 2023. Additionally, on 22 June 2023, an obscure Facebook page called Watani Press published apost about a launch party of FreeBird that revealed key leads into the person behind the venture:

• FreeBird Travel and Tourism was introduced as an airline rather than a travel agency.
• A photo of the inauguration (below) showed a singer with ALDJ Group’s logo in the background.
• The post states that the launch was attended by representatives from “the embassies of Greece, the Czech Republic, Serbia, and Romania.”

Photo (4): ALDJ Launch Party for FreeBird.

Source: “وطني برس” (“Watani Press”) Facebook Page post 22 June 2023

As mentioned earlier, Mahmoud al-Dj states on his Facebook page that he is also theexclusive travel agent for Cham Wings in Libya (sometimes referred to as Sham or Al-Sham Wings). The promotionalphoto for ALDJ Group, published 20 February 2023, contains a Cham Wings plane and an AirMed plane, suggesting continuous relations between FreeBird and Cham Wings (although Cham Wings flights cannot be booked on the FreeBird website).

Tracking ALDJ Group online confirmed it is owned by Mahmoud Al-Dj. We also found a promotional header that appears to showcase all of ALDJ’s holdings or subsidiaries. Among them is AirMed

Photo (5): Promotional image for ALDJ Group. Note the Air Mediterranean logo on the plane on the left,

the Cham Wings logo on the plane in the center, and the FreeBird

logo atop the mountain peak just to the right of the Cham Wings plane.

Logos for other holdings are also visible in the image.

[Source: ALDJ Group Facebook post 20 February 2023]

• Works at Member and Businessman at the Arab League 8 June 2023–present;
• Owns Nasmet Sham Restaurant & Park on Airport Road, 8 June 2019–present;
• Exclusive Agent for Air Mediterranean, 8 June 2018–present;
• Director General of al-Tayr al-Hor (FreeBird) in Damascus, Dubai, and Athens 8 June 2017–Present;
• Chairman of ALDJ Commercial Holding Group, 8 June 2017–present;
• Exclusive Agent for Cham Wings in Libya, 8 April 2017–present.

Photo(6): The Work listing from Mahmoud Abdulilah al-Dj’s Facebook profile. English translation:

Source: “محمود عبد الاله الدج” (Google Translate: “Mahmoud Abdel-Ilah Al-Daj”) Facebook page, About: Work and Education, accessed 4 September 2023.

Of note in al-Dj’s work listing on his Facebook profile is that he lists himself as the exclusive agent for AirMed. yet lists himself as the exclusive agent in Libya for Cham Wings. This suggests that he considers himself the exclusive agent for AirMed everywhere. The fact that AirMed passenger flights cannot be booked on the airline’s website, but only through FreeBird, suggests the latter is indeed the exclusive AirMed agent everywhere.

2.3 Who is Mahmoud al-Dj?

Mahmoud al-Dj first appeared publicly in August 2013. Syrian state TV published aninterview with him after his arrest on charges of transferring money abroad without a license andfinancing terrorism through the al-Tayr “company” (more below). No information has been released about the time al-Dj spent in detention, if arrested at all, or whether he was tried for the crime in the first place. Al-Dj disappeared from public view until 2018.

Photo(7): Image from Mahmoud al-Dj’s interview on Syrian state television.

Source: Screenshot from a video of the interview

According to various sources, al-Dj is linked to drug trafficking, including hashish and captagon. He has been allegedly linked to a gang that receives smuggled narcotics for distribution; that gang was part of a notable drug seizure in 2018. However, the latest round of sanctions from the US, UK, and EU targeting individuals involved in producing and smuggling narcotics did not include al-Dj.

Areport by The New Arab from 2021 included a document obtained from a court case in Benghazi related to the “Noka shipment.” The Noka, as outlined in a subsequent OCCRP research report,  is a cargo ship that, in December 2018, set off from the port of Latakia destined for eastern Libya, but was seized by the Greek authorities before reaching its destination. It was loaded with large quantities of drugs. Detailed in the Libyan sentencing document was that al-Tayr International Trading, a company owned by al-Dj headquartered in Latakia, had rented a warehouse to receive the cargo and store the narcotics.

Photo (8): A copy of the Benghazi court decision

Source: Article from The New Arab, (in Arabic, Google Translate

“Syrian drugs...smuggled to Libya through the “al-Tayr network”) published 28 June 2021 

The court document details the operations of a gang allegedly led by “Mahmud Abdulilah Dajj,” a Syrian Libyan. On 21 July 2019, the Benghazi Court of Appeals handed down a verdict accusing al-Dj and his aides of involvement in the Noka shipment, as well as three other shipments seized in Libya: one in the Al Khums port near Tripoli in western Libya, one in Benghazi, and another in Tobruk in eastern Libya. The Benghazi court sentenced al-Dj, in absentia, to death by firing squad. Should al-Dj ever be caught on Libyan soil again, that sentence will be carried out.

Photo (9): Mahmoud al-Dj.

Source: “محمود عبد الاله الدج” (Google Translate: “Mahmoud Abdel-Ilah Al-Daj”)

Facebook page profile picture post 21 February 2022

In addition to his Syrian passport, Mahmoud al-Dj holds another passport, issued by Libyan authorities in the city of Misrata, which makes his Libya-Syria operations easier.

Also of note, Abdulfattah al-Dj works with his brother Mahmoud al-Dj at the FreeBird Company in Damascus (according to hisFacebook profile).

Photo (10): Abdulfattah al-Dj

Source: Facebook profile photo from “عبد الفتاح دج” (Google Translate “Abdel Fattah Dj”) posted 30 March 2021

SECTION 3: Air Mediterranean: Background and Operations

On its face, AirMed is owned by non-Syrian businessmen, but this report highlights its strong connections to al-Dj and perhaps to the Assad regime.

3.1 Background

Air Mediterranean is a small carrier operating from Eleftherios Venizelos International Airport in Athens, Greece (IATA: ATH). Incorporated in 2015, itbegan commercial flights in November 2017 to six destinations: London, Stockholm, Khartoum (Sudan), Jeddah (Saudi Arabia), Casablanca (Morocco), and Baghdad (Iraq). But less than three months later it suspended all flights, due to a disagreement between two of the shareholders(5) Grounded on 18 January 2018, AirMed thenannounced in February of the same year that it would cease all commercial flights and instead focus on charter operations⁽⁶⁾ 

AirMed’s various social media accounts went silent shortly thereafter. Its last Twitter/X post was on 6 November 2018 (though there was a like on apost from 4 Feb 2019), its last Instagram post was on 9 January 2019, and its last Facebook post on 25 December 2020. Given the internal dispute and then the decision to switch to charter operations alone, the lack of online presence is not surprising.

The reappearance of AirMed came in March 2023, when the Greek City Timesreported that “Greece’s Air Mediterranean will inaugurate the first flight from Europe to Syria in 11 years when one of their vessels lands at Damascus International Airport from Athens on March 9.”

In June 2023, The New Arabreported the first flights to Damascus from Düsseldorf and then from Stockholm, both via Athens. AirMed’s first flight between Düsseldorf Airport and Damascus International Airport (via Athens) took place on24 June 2023. Its first flight between Damascus and Stockholm’s Arlanda Airport (via Athens) was on29 June 2023.

The company’s ownership has changed over time, but it has always included Andreas and Fanti Ilias Hallaq⁽⁷⁾ More recently they have included their mother, Nanta, in the company. As of 28 August 2023, the listed administration on the company’spage at the Union of Hellenic Chambers of Commerce website (in Greek, English button available at the top right) are:

Photo (11): Screenshot of AirMed Administrative officers.

Source:https://bit.ly/480wVf9, accessed 28 August 2023

There are two reasons we make the assumption that at least the Hallaq brothers know what they’re doing and who they’re dealing with:

• ALDJ Group publicly introduces AirMed as an official part of their holdings.
• There is evidence that the Hallaq family has at least some access to the Assad regime (from the photo of George Hallaq, Andreas and Fanti’s father, with Syria’s Foreign Affairs and Expatriates Minister Faisal al-Mikdad, shown at the end of Section 4).

AirMed’s website currently indicates it offers commercial, cargo, and charter services. However, individual bookings for AirMed commercial flights can be booked only through FreeBird, further highlighting that al-Dj’s claim to be the exclusive agent of AirMed everywhere is correct. AirMed’s own website is outdated and has no direct booking option.

AirMed also appears to have done a number of “wet leases”⁽⁸⁾  to other airlines in the very few months it has been operating commercially, most recently for TunisAir (IATA: TU, national carrier of Tunisia) and AirSerbia (IATA: JU, national carrier).

3.2 Current Operations

An open-source history search on aviation tracking sites FlightAware andFlightRadar24 revealed that AirMed is currently operating flights to and from Athens, Benghazi, Damascus, Düsseldorf, and Stockholm, in addition to Prague in the Czech Republic, Craiova in Romania, Forli in Italy, and Zakynthos and Kefalonia in Greece.

Even though commercial flights have been announced and have taken place, AirMed’s website is still outdated and vague. Under theDestinations page, only Greece and Cyprus are listed as active airports, with “Coming Soon” marked for Israel, Denmark, Germany, and France. There is no mention of Damascus being or becoming a destination, nor are Libya or Sweden mentioned.

As AirMed, their one active plane (registered SX-MAT, See Appendix 1) has flown directly from Damascus (IATA: DAM) 52 times from 30 April 2023 to 28 August 2023, to just three cities:

• Athens (IATA: ATH) - 31
• Benghazi (IATA: BEN) - 16 (none since 28 July)
• Dubai (IATA: DWC) - 5 (none since 28 July)

SECTION 4: Should AirMed and FreeBird operations be halted?

The following facts suggest that the relationship between AirMed and al-Dj’s FreeBird is exclusive; they also suggest the two companies might be, in effect, one entity with al-Dj being the ultimate beneficiary.

1. AirMed’s commercial flights cannot be booked on any other site, including their own—only FreeBird’s.
2. FreeBird’s launch party introduced it as an airline, not a travel agency.
3. AirMed is listed along with FreeBird on ALDJ’s holdings promotion.
4. Mahmoud al-Dj introduces himself on his Facebook page as the exclusive agent for AirMed—not as the exclusive agent for Syria, as he did “for Libya” in his Cham Wings listing.

Given Mahmoud al-Dj’s background, running commercial flights into Europe and Libya poses multiple risks. Destination countries face a new potential narcotics supply route. Furthermore, pilots and flight attendants could face arrest if authorities discover contraband on flights—items the employees knew nothing about. Passengers as well could face security scrutiny.

The operation of a new airline between Damascus and eastern Libya is particularly risky. AirMed might engage in activities similar to Cham Wings, which the US Treasury accuses of providing material assistance to the Syrian regime and transporting weapons and fighters between the two destinations. The fact that al-Dj is the exclusive agent of Cham Wings in Libya increases the likelihood that his new partnership with AirMed may engage in similar activities.

Tracking the flights between Syria and Libya has also highlighted some safety concerns. On 31 May 2023, SX-MAT, one of AirMed’s planes, took off from Damascus at 9:16 am local time and landed in Benghazi at 11:20 am local time. It then took off from El Beida International Airport (also spelled Al-Bayda, IATA: LAQ) at 3:22 pm local time and landed in Damascus at 4:22 pm local time. However, there is no flight listed between Benghazi and El Beida, which lie 120 miles apart and in the same time zone. How did SX-MAT get to El Beida without showing up on radar?

Photo (12): The odd flight between Damascus and El Beida, Libya on 31 May 2023.

[Source: Screenshot from FlightRadar24 (seeing it from the link above will require a Gold subscription, as it’s more than 90 days back from the publishing of this report) showing the gap between landing at Benghazi and taking off at El Beida. In the column headers:  STD=the stated time of departure, ATD=the actual time of departure, STA=the stated time of arrival.]

The airplane might have flown from Benghazi to El Beida with its transponder off. Flying with the transponder off can pose safety risks as it makes the aircraft less visible to air traffic control and other aircraft equipped with collision avoidance systems. The transponder provides vital information about the aircraft, such as its position, airspeed, and altitude, which is crucial for air traffic controllers to ensure safe separation between aircraft. However, this research could not preclude the possibility that the tracking site failed to capture the flight due to a technical error.

It is not clear whether the official owners of AirMed have a direct connection to the Syrian regime. Andreas and Fanti Hallaq’s father, George, has no public-facing connection to AirMed, though he has been seen and identified in photos with his sons for AirMed promotions. George is known in Greek press circles as arepresentative of the Lebanese investment in the company (the linked article actually describes George Hallaq as the shareholder in dispute with another shareholder who later sold out to the Hallaqs).

However, he does have access to the Assad regime through another channel. On 11 June 2021, the Syrian official news agencySANA reported George Hallaq’s visit to Syria in his capacity as Assistant to the President of theCooperative Republic of Guyana, as Guyana’s Minister of Southern Europe (other news articles specify Greece), the Middle East and Africa, and as Special Envoy of the President. Hallaq met with Faisal Al-Miqdad, Syrian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates. The two sides agreed to coordinate and consult on various issues of bilateral cooperation between the two countries and in international forums.

The earliest activity of George Hallaq as an official envoy of the President of Guyana dates back to 2006, according to what’s available from open sources. We could not find information on how Mr. Hallaq came to this position nor if he holds Guyanian citizenship.

Photo (13): George Hallaq with Faisal Al-Miqdad.

Source: Syrian Arab News Agency article (in Arabic–Google Translate “Mekdad is discussing with the Special Envoy of the President of Guyana bilateral relations and means of enhancing them,” published 11 June 2021, accessed 28 August 2023

Appendix 1: Air Mediterranean’s Fleet

Air Med is recorded as having three planes in its fleet, tail registrations SX-MAH, SX-MAM, and SX-MAT (Itsinitial registration with the Hellenic Chambers of Commerce indicates only two planes; SX-MAH appears to have been acquired later).

SX-MAH

According to FlightRadar24, SX-MAH is a Boeing 737-405 operated by Air Med, Type Code B734, Mode S 46B428, Serial No. (MSN) 24643, Age (May 1990) 33 years. It has no flight history for the past five months (from 30 April 2023).

SX-MAM

According to FlightRadar24, SX-MAM is a Boeing 737-405 operated by Air Med, Type Code B734, Mode S 46B42D, Serial No. (MSN) 28097, Age (Jul 1997) 26 years. It has made only one flight in the past five months, from Barcelona to Tel Aviv as Bluebird Airways (Greece). SX-MAM was also subleased at least once during January 2020–October 2021 to Felix Airways(Yemen).

Planespotters.net corrects the aircraft type to a Boeing 737-446, and adds that SX-MAM was leased from Air Med from June to October 2021 by Felix Airways, headquartered in Yemen. Felix Airways had also leased the plane once before from Air Med, from 12 October 2020 to 12 April 2021. But their website is dark now—they appear to have gone out of business.

SX-MAT

From FlightRadar24: SX-MAT is a Boeing 737-446 operated by Air Med, Type Code B734, Mode S 46B434, Serial Number (MSN) 28831, Age (Jul 1997) 26 years. Planespotters.net adds that it was delivered to Air Med on 1 November 2022 after being “not taken up” by Greece’s Aeolian Airlines.

Of AirMed’s fleet, only SX-MAT has any flight history at all since 30 April 2023 (SX-MAM had active flights until 14 April 2023, but none since), and in that time the plane has operated, probably under wet lease conditions, for other carriers as well as for Air Med:

• Air Mediterranean
• LEAV Aviation (a German regional airline)
• Sunclass Airlines (a Danish charter service)
• Smartwings (the largest carrier in the Czech Republic)
• AirSerbia (Serbia’s national carrier)
• TunisAir (Tunisia’s national carrier)

Appendix 2: Air Mediterranean Current Administration

Andreas “Andrew” Hallaq (ΧΑΛΛΑΚ ΑΝΔΡΕΑΣ | أندرياس حلاق) was listed as Director of Air Mediterranean on the carrier’s website in a Press Release dated 17 January 2017; he was also defined as the Director in an article by Times Aerospace around the same time. Per an announcement filed 4 July 2022 with the Hellenic Chambers of Commerce, he is now listed as a member of the Board of Directors, continuing as of 28 August 2023.

He is the son of Georgios (George) and Nada (Nadia, Nanta) Hallaq, born 1984 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He is self-employed and a resident of Kuwait and temporary resident of Greece. The Hellenic Chambers of Commerce site lists him as “a foreign resident of Greek citizenship.”

Fanti Ilias Hallaq (ΧΑΛΛΑΚ ΦΑΝΤΙ ΗΛΙΑΣ | فادي الياس حلاق) was listed as CEO of Air Mediterranean on the carrier’s website—Press Release dated 6 December 2016.Per an announcement filed 4 July 2022 with the Hellenic Chambers of Commerce, he is now listed as a member of the Board of Directors, continuing as of 28 August 2023.

He is the son of Georgios and Nadia, born 1980 in Beirut, Lebanon. He is a “businessman” of Greek citizenship residing in Smyrni, Greece (an Athens suburb).

Nada (Nadia, Nanta) Hallaq (ΧΑΛΛΑΚ ΝΑΝΤΑ), mother of Andreas and Fanti, born 1958 in Lebanon and residing in Athens, holds the position ofChairman of the Board of Directors of the company, according to the Greek General Commercial Register as of 04 April 2022. Per an announcement filed 4 July 2022 with the Hellenic Chambers of Commerce, she is still listed as Chairman of the Board, but on the Hellenic Chambers page for Air Med she is listed as the president of the company.

Marios Sambrakos (ΣΑΜΠΡΑΚΟΣ ΜΑΡΙΟΣ), a Greek national, was born 1962 in Athens and resides there. Per an announcement filed 4 July 2022 with the Hellenic Chambers of Commerce, he is listed as a member of the Board of Directors

General Summary

This report provides an overview of the key events in Syria during the month of July 2023, focusing on political, security, and economic developments. It examines the developments at different levels.

• Security and Military Sector: The eastern parts of Syria have seen heightened military activity by several groups along the Euphrates River. Additionally, disagreements between the Deir Ezzor Military Council and the Syrian Democratic Forces “SDF” have led to armed clashes and road blockades in the northern Deir Ezzor villages and towns.

• Political Sector: The continuation of the Arab rapprochement initiative, this rapprochement appears to be contingent on the reciprocal actions and offerings from the Assad regime, emphasizing a “Step-for-Step” approach. Furthermore, Russia's veto against the extension of cross-border aid challenges the UN and other humanitarian organizations, necessitating new strategies to deliver aid amidst Syria's dire humanitarian crisis.

• Economic Sector: Syria's economic situation is deteriorating, marked by a significant rise in the cost of living paired with decreasing salaries. Concurrently, the Assad regime is aiming to further assert its control over vital resources and gain a monopoly over critical, high-revenue sectors, benefiting both the regime and its allies.

Internal Security Issues and Rising Military Presence Across Various Frontlines

Regime Held-Areas:

Israel conducted strikes on multiple security and military sites in the regions of Damascus countryside, Eastern Homs, and Tartus. Out of the five sites targeted, three are under the control of militias backed by Iran. ^([1])

Map (1), Highlighting Israeli strikes in Syria from January of 2023 to July 2023

Security chaos continues in the south, /37/people were assassinated in Daraa province, with /20/ more in various security incidents throughout the month. During July, the regime used drones in its operations in Daraa, hinting at a shift to newer security tools, possibly supported by Iranian expertise.

In al-Suwayda Province, in retaliation for the regime's recent arrest campaign, local groups apprehended regime officers. Such incidents highlight the regime's fragile security control in the province.

Opposition Held-Areas:

Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham “HTS” continued its security campaign, arresting over /300/ of its members from different departments, accused of spying for the Syrian regime, Russia, or the USA.

SDF Held-Areas

Deir Ezzor witnesses military mobilizations by various parties along the Euphrates River.

• Numerous military supply convoys for the International Coalition have reached their bases near the al-Omar oil field.

• The Syrian Democratic Forces “SDF” have increased their presence and set up operations rooms in Deir Ezzor.

In the northern countryside of Deir Ezzor, several villages and towns experienced clashes between the “Deir Ezzor Military Council” and the SDF's Military Police. This conflict arose following the killing of two council members and the detention of several others.

International Coalition forces intervened to mediate and stabilize the situation, assuring that those responsible for the incident would be held accountable. These events highlighted the vulnerabilities within the SDF's internal unity and underscored concerns about the PKK's dominance over these forces, often sidelining local factions in decision-making.

A general strike took place in Manbij city against the conscription campaign carried out by the SDF.

Despite Renewing International Ties, Assad Regime Continues to Use Extortionate Behavior

Following the failure of the UN Security Council to extend the decision on cross-border aid delivery due to Russia's veto, the Assad regime announced that it would allow the UN and its specialized agencies to deliver humanitarian aid through the Bab al-Hawa crossing, on the condition that it would not be handed over to what he termed as “Terrorist Entities”, and the aid distribution should be coordinated with the Syrian Red Crescent. Several Western countries rejected this, and the UN considered it contrary to its independence and freedom of operation. The regime aims with this decision to control the UN aid and use it as a new tool to put more pressure on the international communities and the Syrian oppositions. Meanwhile, Bashar al-Assad received the Iraqi PM, Mohammed Shia' al-Sudani, in Damascus during his first official visit for an Iraqi PM since 2011. Al-Sudani emphasized the importance of coordination between the two countries. Assad mentioned the “Theft” of Syria's and Iraq's water by neighboring countries in supporting terrorism, referencing Turkey, Despite Erdogan's expressed willingness to meet with Assad, the path to reconciliation has been hindered due to the regime's preconditions, primarily the demand for a withdrawal timetable from Syria.

On a technical level, the first meeting of the Jordanian-Syrian Committee to Combat Cross-Border Drug Smuggling took place in Amman. This committee was established following the decisions made at the consultative meeting hosted by Jordan in Amman last May.

Fragile Markets and Increasing Economic Challenges

The SYP rate continued to fall against foreign currencies, registering /13,000/ SYP to the US Dollar in markets of Damascus, Aleppo, Idlib, and al-Hasakah. Meanwhile, the Regime Central Bank adjusted the US Dollar exchange rate to /9,900/ SYP for banking operations, money exchange companies, individuals, and foreign transfer exchange rates.

This month's SYP depreciation is attributed to the vast amount of money introduced into the market due to wheat payments, estimated at 2 trillion SYP (2,000 billion SYP) for purchasing /800,000/ tons of wheat from farmers in Regime held-areas. It's valued at $/516/ million in SDF held-areas in northeast, and $/64/ million in Opposition held-areas in northwest, causing a cash surplus. The central bank also approved printing a /5,000/ Lira note to add to market liquidity. The decrease in the SYP’s value led to a significant, uncontrolled increase in the prices of co0mmidities in regime held-areas, with some products witnessing over a 200% increase. The average living cost for a family of 5 in Syria has reached more than /6.5/ SYP, while the average salary stands at /150,000 SYP/.

Given these continuous crises, the PM of the regime, “Hussein Arnous”, announced the formation of a joint committee from the People's Assembly and the economic committee in the Council of Ministers to prepare a proposal to boost the economic and living conditions, even though the People's Council admits its inability to change the country's economic reality.

During the UN Food Systems Summit in Italy, Agriculture Minister “Mohammed Hassan Qatana” urged his Saudi counterpart, “Abdul Rahman al-Fadhli”, to ease the import of Syrian goods into the kingdom. Meanwhile, the Director General of the regime's Civil Aviation Corporation announced that Saudi Arabia has approved the resumption of flights between the two Syria and KSA. Consequently, the Syrian Arab Aviation Corporation has started setting up its offices in Riyadh.

The regime's Ministry of Transport announced an investment partnership with “Iluma”, a company closely linked to Bashar and Asma al-Assad, for the Damascus International Airport. The General Organization for Aviation will retain a 51% stake, while the investing company will hold 49%. “Iluma” will be responsible for all tasks and services related to air transport of passengers and goods, including owning, purchasing, leasing, and investing in aircraft, as well as organizing flights and ground services. This move underscores the regime's strategy to exert control over resources and monopolize key sectors, ensuring significant returns for itself and its allies.

In Opposition held-areas, food prices have surged by 48% in the past six months due to the depreciation of the Turkish lira. According to the UN REACH team, the minimum expenditure on basic food items has increased from /1,600/ TL to nearly /2,700/ TL within a year.

In eastern Syria, the Autonomous Administration raised fuel prices, leading to a temporary halt in sales at gas stations until new prices were set, also the cost of diesel for vehicles and industrial purposes rose from /425/ SYP to 525 SYP per liter, while the cost of free diesel rose from /1,200/ SYP to /1,700/ SYP per liter. However, diesel prices for generators and bread ovens remained unchanged, but the cost of a domestic gas cylinder increased, going from /7,500/ SYP to /10,000/ SYP.

The Autonomous Administration has designated the regions of al-Hasakah, Tal Tamr, and their surrounding areas, as disaster zones due to the ongoing water crisis. The water scarcity in Hasaka has worsened since 2019, primarily because of water supply disruptions from the opposition-controlled “Alouk” wells. Additionally, in al-Qamishli, the devaluation of the SYP value to less than a third of its value since early July has led to a decline in food sales. Both consumers and retailers have reported a drop in food orders by up to 70%.

Executive Summary

This report provides an overview of the key events in Syria during the month of June 2023, focusing on political, security, and economic developments. It examines the developments at different levels.

• Security and Military sector, the report highlights the following: 1) Opposition held areas in northwest Syria witnessed intensification of Russian strikes. 2) Rise in ISIS security operations in eastern Syria. 3) Increase in assassination victims, and clashes between local factions and militias associated with the regime forces in Daraa.
• Political sector, the report highlights the regime's ongoing efforts to foster closer ties with the Arab world through economic agreements, considering the Western resistance towards normalizing relations or lifting sanctions without substantial measures undertaken by the regime.
• Economic sector, the report focuses on the persistent depletion and devaluation of the Syrian pound, a consequence of the economic and financial policies pursued by the Assad regime. In the meantime, local councils and civil organizations in northwestern Syria have successfully concluded the implementation of numerous early recovery projects across several critical sectors, with particular emphasis on the industrial sector.

High indicators of security instability

In northwestern Syria, both the regime and Russia have conducted aerial and artillery bombardments in several areas in Idlib. This ongoing security and military complexity can be used as pressure to reach understandings or technical agreements, particularly due to the increased military capabilities of local actors in both regime-controlled and opposition-controlled areas. Simultaneously, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham security forces have arrested over 80 individuals accused of engaging in dealings and espionage for hostile parties. Among those detained are notable figures from the General Security Agency and certain military brigades.

In northeastern Syria, ISIS has claimed responsibility for more than 24 attacks targeting the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and their allies. These attacks resulted in the death of 11 people and left 26 others wounded. The following charts provides a comparison of ISIS attacks against the SDF between April and June for the years 2022 and 2023.

The Autonomous Administration in northeastern Syria has made a significant announcement. They have decided to initiate public prosecutions for approximately 10,000 ISIS operatives who are currently detained by them. This decision was prompted by the international community's delayed response to the autonomous administration's requests for assistance in repatriating their detained citizens. The trials of these operatives will be conducted in accordance with a local anti-terrorism law that was developed in 2022. While the ISIS operatives on trial will have the right to appoint their own lawyers, it has not been clarified whether the court will appoint lawyers for them. It's important to note that the death penalty is not applicable in northeastern Syria. Furthermore, Turkey persistently refused to acknowledge the Autonomous Administration, labeling it as a "terrorist" entity associated with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). In line with this stance, Turkey continued its strikes against the administration's leaders and key figures. Most recently, Turkish drones conducted an airstrike on a vehicle transporting the leaders of the “Qamishlo Provincial Council|” in the eastern part of Qamishli. The strike caused the death of the co-chair of the Council, the deputy co-president, and the driver, while the co-chairman of the council, "Kabi Chamoun," sustained severe injuries as a result of the drone strike.

Regarding Daraa, ongoing evident signs indicating the failure of the regime's efforts for reconciliations and settlements. The notable indicators include:

• Ongoing assassinations: A total of 30 individuals were killed in targeted assassinations during the month. Additionally, eight people lost their lives in other security incidents.
• Clash between local factions and pro-Assad militias near the Naseeb crossing, situated along the Syrian Jordanian border.
• Continuation of drug smuggling operations across the Jordanian border, either through the Naseeb crossing or the border strip.

The Assad regime between Arab rapprochement and western rejection

During the month of June 2023, the Syrian regime recently made several diplomatic moves. They appointed an ambassador to the Arab League, and their foreign minister visited Iraq and Saudi Arabia, resulting in an agreement to resume economic cooperation between Syria and Arab countries. Additionally, Bashar al-Assad, the Syrian leader, met with the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator. During their meeting, al-Assad emphasized the importance of not politicizing the return of refugees and providing the necessary resources for reconstructing damaged structures and rehabilitating service facilities.

However, these statements by Assad also highlight the regime's refusal to address key security concerns regarding the safe return of refugees. These concerns include stopping security prosecutions against refugees, controlling, and restructuring the security services, and releasing detainees while reforming the judicial system.

It is likely that in the future, the Assad regime will continue to exploit the refugee issue to pressure the international community. Their aim is to achieve economic gains and the lifting of sanctions imposed on Syria.

In a parallel development, Canada and the Netherlands jointly lodged a lawsuit against the Assad regime at the International Court of Justice in The Hague. The lawsuit accuses the regime of torture and violations of international law, highlighting the ongoing stance of Western countries rejecting any form of normalization with the Syrian regime government.

During the recent 20th round of the Astana meetings, the final statement included several significant points. One of the key highlights was:

• Rejection of unilateral sanctions that violate international law, international humanitarian law, and the UN Charter. This statement implies the potential development of a Turkish stance favoring the lifting or easing of sanctions on the Assad regime.
• The participants at the Astana meetings expressed their approval of the regime's consent to allow aid entry through the al-Rai and Bab al-Salama crossings. This reaffirmed their opposition to any attempts to bypass the regime and Russia's approval after the extension expires in August 2023.

Current economic policies increasing Syrian’s suffering

In the Regime areas, The Syrian pound continues to experience massive declines against the US dollar, reaching a rate of 9,250 SYP per dollar. These declines are a result of the economic and financial policies implemented by the regime government. To restore stability to the currency, the Monetary and Credit Council issued a decision allowing individuals entering Syria to bring in financial revenues up to $500,000. However, those leaving the country are restricted from taking out more than $10,000 or its equivalent in foreign currency. Living conditions in regime areas remain challenging, with the population enduring rising prices during Eid al-Adha. Price increases ranged from 15% to 45%, with notable examples such as the cost of "30 eggs" reaching 30,000 SYP in Daraa and 34,000 SYP in Damascus. The price of sacrificial animals during Eid al-Adha reached 3 million SYP in certain areas, recording a 6 time increase for 2022 price. Reports indicate a significant decrease in foreign remittances to Syria during Eid al-Adha compared to Eid al-Fitr. The regime government refrained from providing any financial grants or salary increases prior to Eid al-Adha. The regime's Ministry of Finance estimated inflation rates for 2022 at 10-0% and projected a range of 10-4.7% for 2023. It is important to note that the inflation rate has reached approximately 16,000% between 2011 and 2023.

In Opposition areas, both the interim government and the salvation government have established the price of durum wheat at $330 per ton, and the price for soft wheat is set at $285 per ton. On the other hand, in areas under the Autonomous Administration, the price of durum wheat is set at $430 per ton, while in regime-controlled areas, it is set at $222 per ton.

This difference in pricing may discourage farmers in opposition areas from selling their crops to the regime or motivate them to consider alternative crops that offer higher profits, given the current pricing conditions. As part of early recovery initiatives, local councils and civil society organizations have successfully completed various projects across multiple sectors. For instance, the local council in Mare' inaugurated a new industrial city consisting of 50 operational factories and 100 others in the process of being equipped. In the city of al-Ra'i, a significant infrastructure development project, involving the establishment of a major transformer for the industrial zone, has been implemented to facilitate future projects.

In the Autonomous Administration, citizens in Hasakah protested the shortage of domestic gas, which led to its price doubling on the black market to 150,000 Syrian pounds. In Amuda market, remittance and currency exchange companies closed in objection to new licensing requirements that impose financial guarantees and office conditions beyond their capabilities. Additionally, the Customs Department has implemented a new customs system. The updated fees for shipments of vegetables and fruits are as follows:

The fire brigade in al-Hasakah province has reported crop fire damage in 2023. Approximately 370 dunums of land in the countryside of al-Hasakah city and 418 dunums in al-Qamishli city have been affected.

General summary

During May 2023, the majority of Arab countries moved towards fully restoring relations with the Assad regime, leading to Bashar al-Assad attending the Arab summit in Saudi Arabia, breaking a decade-long isolation. The Syrian regime saw this as the official end of the regional and international isolation that was imposed against the Syrian regime. Regarding security development in the southern region, 2 Jordanian fighter jets conducted raids, eliminating one of the big local drug dealer in as-Suwayda's eastern countryside. While in the Northwest region, Turkish security forces raided the hideout for an ISIS cell, leading to the arrest of several ISIS members, including a high commander known as “The Wali of Turkey”, also during the same month Turkey in corporation with the US, imposed new sanctions on individuals financing “Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham” in Syria.Economically, livelihood situation in different areas of control is still in decline, as the month of May witnessed a new price increase for most commodities.

Syrian regimes return to Arab League

The most prominent political event in May was the return of the Assad regime to the Arab League, marking a new stage of formal Arab engagement with Syria after a decade-long hiatus. This Arab rapprochement focuses on security issues, counterterrorism, humanitarian issues, particularly refugees, and the political process. However, the evolution of Arab engagement largely depends on the regime's response to political developments and its willingness to make concessions it has avoided over the years. Assad is relying on Arab openness as a step to pressure the United States and the European Union to ease or lift sanctions on his regime, claiming they hinder progress in the Arab solution initiative. Regionally, the visit of the Iranian President to Syria was significant in its timing, just days before the Arab League's decision to formally reconnect with the regime. The visit reaffirmed Iran's strong influence in Syria and preempted any attempts to diminish it.

In summary, Arab rapprochement with the Assad regime is part of a regional policy to deescalate tensions, in addition to addressing security issues related to the Syrian crisis.

Eliminations and reconciliations

In May 2023, Israel carried out aggressive air strikes on Damascus and Aleppo provinces, hitting security sites near their respective international airports and causing temporary shutdowns. This occurred as Israel's Defense Minister, “Yoav Gallant,” declared an increase in attacks aimed at Iran's presence in Syria.

Meanwhile, Turkish security forces succeeded in arresting /4/ ISIS members, including the self-proclaimed (Wali of Turkey). This happened after the Turkish forces had neutralized ISIS leader, “Abu al-Hussein al-Qurashi”, in late April. Also in the Northwestern region, and as part of the Turkish collaborative efforts against terrorism, the US and Turkish treasury departments imposed combined sanctions on 2 individuals tied to financing of extremist factions in Syria.

In Northeastern Syria, an IED’s killed “Kribos”, a leader in SDF. Furthermore, the Asayish security force, arrested 2 individuals involved in drug trafficking.

In Southern Syria, the Regime government initiated a new settlement in 45 towns, this campaign coincides with an ongoing conflict between the Military Security and the 8^th Brigade, and a fragile security situation, also this settlement campaign is considered the 3^rd one in Daraa since 2018.

Meanwhile, Jordanian fighters eliminated a drug dealer in the Eastern countryside of As-Suwayda shortly after Jordanian Foreign Minister “Ayman Safadi” declared the possibility of using military force to combat drugs, which is an indication of the possibility of resorting to force options in addition to economic incentives in the Arab way of dealing with the Syrian regime, including drugs production and smuggling.

Reviving a long dead economy

In hopes of capitalizing on improving Arab relations, the Assad regime is gearing up for the tourism season, with a particular focus on attracting visitors from the Gulf countries. Tourism, which was the second-largest source of foreign income after oil exports, generating approximately $3.9 billion in 2010, is seen as a vital avenue for bolstering Syria's economy. Estimates suggest that about /2.5/ million people, including /700,000/ tourists, might visit Syria this year.

Additionally, Bashar al-Assad issued a law exempting cow imports from taxes and fees for the next 5 years. This move is aimed at mitigating the Syrian crisis' impact on the livestock sector, high meat prices, and decreasing livestock numbers. However, this approach, which is characteristic of the old regime, might benefit corrupt merchants and warlords while negatively affecting ordinary people's living conditions, it's seen as a way to address economic issues primarily through increased imports.

In Northeastern Syria, the Autonomous Administration announced the pricing of wheat and barley for the 2023 agricultural season, at /43/ cents per kilogram for wheat and /35/ cents per kilogram for barley. This is the 1st time the Administration set crop prices in $ instead of SYP due to the declining value of the latter, causing unprecedented inflation for goods and services. In Hasakah province, (ampere) prices rose by 30% due to a reduction in the subsidized diesel amount sold to generator owners by the Administration. The closure of the “Semalka-Fishkhabour” crossing between Northeastern Syria and Kurdistan led to significant slowdowns in construction and a halt in some projects due to a shortage of cement, and /50/ kilogram bag of cement reached a black-market price of /120,000/ SYP, up from /85,000/ Sp before the crossing was closed.

In opposition held-areas, the decline in the value of the Turkish lira against the dollar led to deteriorating living conditions in Idlib and a slowdown in market transactions. Changes in the lira-dollar exchange rate quickly affect local markets due to imports mainly coming through Turkey. Meat prices doubled, with one kilogram of lamb now costing /190/ TL, up from /80/ TL two months ago. This increase is due to livestock smuggling to regime-controlled and autonomous areas, in addition to rising feed costs.

The Economy and Resources Ministry of the "Salvation" Government in Idlib set the purchase price for first-grade hard wheat at $320 per ton (/32/ cents per kilogram). This year's initial wheat production is estimated at /99,000/ tons.

Work continues on paving main and secondary roads in Azaz, al-Bab, and Jarabulus, as part of early recovery efforts. New schools, like Al-Khwarizmi in Azaz and Shariah school in Afrin, are being established, while others in Janders are being renovated. Furthermore, Turkish Interior Minister Suleiman Soylu and Gaziantep Mayor Fatma Sahin laid the foundation for a project to build 240,000 homes on farmland near Al-Ghandoura.